India's CAD reveals the need to increase exports

Indian Express, December 17, 2022

There seems to be a considerable amount of optimism about India’s near-term growth prospects, now that the major global energy and commodity shocks have subsided. But how will this growth be sustained? And even if these shocks have subsided, India still faces one big problem—its large current account deficit (CAD). How will this be managed? It turns out that the answer to both questions lies in one word: exports.

Let’s start with the second problem. Over the past year, the post-pandemic normalisation has caused the current account deficit to swell to exceptional proportions. At home, normalisation has spurred a renewed demand for imported inputs. But abroad it has had the opposite effect, leading to a decline in demand. Foreign households are no longer demanding so many goods now that the lockdowns that kept them in their houses and the fiscal stimuli that gave them the money to spend, have both ended. So, India’s imports have soared just at a time when its merchandise exports have started to fall.

Looking ahead, the situation seems set to worsen. Foreign demand will slow further as advanced countries slip into what now seems like inevitable recessions. In that case, India’s CAD could widen even further, possibly to 4 percent of GDP in 2022-23, double the level that the Reserve Bank of India (RBI) traditionally regards as “safe”. How should India respond?

One possibility would be to attract foreign capital inflows worth at least 4 percent of GDP. But is this realistic? The world is currently facing unprecedented levels of uncertainty. Following two years of a pandemic, we are now witnessing a land war in Europe, the highest inflation in the developed world in the last four decades, the fastest pace of interest rate hikes in the history of the US Federal Reserve, an energy crisis in Europe, and a slowdown in China that continues to struggle with Covid-19. In such an uncertain environment, foreign investors prefer to invest in safe assets such as US government bonds rather than emerging markets like India. This trend has become all the more acute now, since the persistent rate hikes by the Fed have made US financial assets even more attractive. As a result, India has witnessed large outflows of foreign capital in 2022-23.

If India cannot attract the required amount of capital inflows, the RBI’s foreign exchange reserves could be deployed to pay for imports. But this strategy is neither appropriate nor sustainable. The country’s reserves are meant to tide the country over short-term problems, such as commodity price spikes. The large CAD, however, is not a short-term problem: it is a long-term problem requiring a long-term solution. In particular, India’s merchandise exports have been structurally weak, stagnating for the past decade, until the pandemic induced a short-lived boom.

This means that something fundamental needs to change. Ultimately, India’s CAD reflects a mismatch between the demand and supply of foreign exchange; we are demanding more dollars than we have access to because we are importing more than we are exporting. To restore balance, first and foremost, the price needs to adjust, i.e. the rupee needs to depreciate. When this happens, exporting becomes more profitable, inducing more and more firms to explore foreign markets. Meanwhile, foreign demand improves, because the rupee depreciation makes India’s products more price-competitive. As a result, exports increase—and the CAD falls.

Exchange rate depreciation is helpful for another reason: it can help sustain growth.

The recovery of the Indian economy from the pandemic was largely fuelled by exports. In the April-January period of 2021-22, India’s merchandise exports grew at a staggering rate of 46 percent compared to the same period in the previous year. But with exports now declining, this crucial source of growth has now become uncertain for India.

This is deeply worrisome, since prospects for the other drivers of long-term growth seem cloudy. Private sector investment continues to be sluggish and is unlikely to pick up in an uncertain economic environment. Nor is there room for fiscal stimulus, since the high levels of government deficits and debt need to be reduced. And even though the Indian economy is regarded as consumption-driven, private consumption by itself cannot sustain a growth rate of 7 percent, especially when all other sources of growth are underperforming.

Strengthening the export sector is therefore critical for sustaining growth. True, the task will be difficult, since the global economy slowing down. But it is still feasible, since India’s share in global exports is very small and there is ample scope to expand this share.

Over and above a rupee depreciation, this will require structural policies—indeed, a fundamental shift in India’s economic strategy. Policy needs to become significantly more export-oriented and less protectionist. Over the last few years, average import tariffs have gone up. In a world where manufacturers are dependent on global supply chains, levying stiff import duties hampers exports. And this obstacle cannot be overcome by providing subsidies to a selected few producers.

In sum, the need of the hour is four-fold: allow the rupee to depreciate, encourage foreign firms to produce in India by letting them access their supply chains, encourage domestic firms to step up to the competition, and create a level playing field for all players.

By adopting this strategy, India could potentially solve its two most important macroeconomic problems—reducing the large CAD and securing rapid, sustained growth. Will this change come about? Unfortunately, there are no such indications so far.

Below 6% but 5 problems

Times of India, December 13, 2022

The latest data release for November 2022 shows that inflation is now within the RBI’s target range. This is undoubtedly good news. However, some major issues persist. Inflation remains much too high. And there is no clarity yet on how the central bank plans to bring it down to the target level.

Headline CPI (consumer price index) inflation came out to be 5.9 percent in November, down from 6.8 percent in October. This is the lowest inflation since December 2021. At the same time, global commodity prices have been falling, softening inflationary pressures. But that is pretty much where the good news ends. There remain at least five major concerns.

First, while it is true that inflation has slipped below the upper threshold of the RBI’s inflation targeting band, it is important to remember that 6 percent is not the RBI’s target. The RBI is legally mandated to aim for 4 percent inflation. This implies that there is still some way to go before CPI inflation reaches its target level.

Secondly, the decline in headline inflation did not reflect any fundamental change, but a steep fall in the price of vegetables. If one excludes vegetables, CPI inflation would infact have increased, to 7.2 percent.

Third, measures of underlying inflation indicate that price pressures remain stubbornly strong. Core (i.e., non-food, non-fuel) CPI inflation continues to be around 6 percent—the same level that it has been at for nearly three years now. This signifies that high inflation is deeply embedded in the system.

Why is core inflation so persistent, despite the easing of commodity price pressures? Most likely, because the economy is locked into a wage-price spiral. As the economy has opened up after two years of pandemic-induced restrictions, firms have had to pay higher wages to workers to bring them back, to compensate them for the price increases (for example, in fuel and transport prices) that occurred while they were away. Also, the depreciation of the rupee would have made it costlier for firms to import inputs. In both cases, firms seem to be passing these increases in costs on to the consumers in the form of higher prices.

Fourth, global inflation is still quite high. While inflation in the US has receded to 7.7 percent in October from 8.2 percent in September, inflation in the UK is 11 percent and rising, while that in the European Union has increased to 11.5 percent. As a result, India is importing high global inflation. This problem could intensify, if the rupee depreciates further, as advanced country central banks continue to tighten monetary conditions by raising interest rates.

Finally, cereal inflation remains exceptionally high, at 13 percent. It is difficult to understand why this is happening, since the government has been augmenting supplies by providing grains under its free food scheme (PM Garib Kalyan Anna Yojana) to all families holding a ration card. One possibility could be that traders are worried that the government’s buffer stocks are running low and that the winter harvest might prove disappointing.

Adding up all these factors makes it clear that it is way too early to declare victory on inflation. So, what is the strategy to bring inflation down?

It is true that the RBI has been consistently raising the policy repo rate since May 2022. The repo rate has gone up from 4 percent to 6.25 percent. The RBI has also been withdrawing surplus liquidity from the system to restrain the money supply. The Monetary Policy Committee (MPC) also seems more focused on inflation now compared to 2021-22. These are all steps in the right direction. But to break the persistence of the core inflation and bring inflation down to the target level of 4 percent, more effort might be required.

The RBI has predicted inflation to fall to 5.4 percent in the second quarter of 2023-24. But it has not yet indicated when it expects inflation to reach 4 percent—or what it plans to do to ensure that this target is achieved in a reasonable timeframe. Does it think that the current level of interest rate—which is only marginally higher than the underlying inflation rate—is sufficient to deliver the target in the next one year or so, implying that the RBI will continue to soften the pace of rate hikes or even end the tightening cycle soon? Or will further and steeper rate increases be necessary to ensure that monetary policy exerts sufficient downward pressure on inflation? It may help to provide some clarity on these issues.

Once the sanctity of a rule-based system is ignored for a while, it becomes more difficult to restore the credibility of that system. In India, a glaring example of this is the Fiscal Responsibility and Budget Management (FRBM) Act. After persistent deviations from the fiscal target for years, this institution has now ceased to be relevant and we may have normalised a high level of fiscal deficit. Inflation targeting should not suffer the same fate.

It is reassuring that the RBI has recently said that it has an “Arjuna’s eye” on inflation. It should now follow up by spelling out a strategy to ensure that Arjuna’s arrow hits its target.

On inflation, we are not out of the woods

Hindustan Times, December 5, 2022

The macroeconomic landscape in India seems to have suddenly changed. For most of this year, the main problem was surging prices, which had pushed consumer price index inflation far above the Reserve Bank of India’s target of 4 percent. In recent months however, inflation seems to have subsided. And now there is a new problem, as India’s export-led recovery is being threatened by weaking demand in the advanced countries, which seem to be slipping into recession. As a result of this shift in the landscape, some analysts have urged the central bank to shift its priorities, declaring victory over inflation, and focusing instead on the task of reviving growth.

At first blush, this shift seems reasonable. But we need to ask two questions. Is the inflation problem really over? And if not, what are the costs and benefits of shifting the policy stance?

Let’s understand the first question. It is true that inflationary pressures are softening. CPI inflation came out to be 6.8 percent in October, down from 7.4 percent in September. Alongside this, wholesale price index (WPI) inflation fell to 8.4 percent from an average of 14.9 percent in the previous nine months. It remains unclear though, whether these developments represent the start of a new trend or a temporary low. After all, core (i.e., non-food, non-fuel) CPI inflation has been running around 6 percent for the past three years, implying that inflation has become deeply ingrained at a level higher than the RBI’s target of 4 percent.

Moreover, there are still significant risks to the inflation outlook.

First, there has been a big spurt in the prices of cereals. Cereal inflation has gone up from 11.5 percent in September to 12.1 percent in October. In particular, the price of rice has gone up by 10 percent and that of wheat by more than 17 percent on a year-on-year basis. These developments are puzzling, considering that the government has been flooding the market, for some time, with cheap grains under both the PDS (Public Distribution System) and the PMGKAY (PM Garib Kalyan Anna Yojana) free food scheme that was launched in March 2020 as a Covid-relief measure. The latter scheme provides 5 kg of free foodgrains (wheat or rice) per person, per month for a family holding a ration card, and covers a significant portion of the population.

Why are cereal prices going up despite this massive free provision? One possibility could be that the government has used up much of the grains in its stock, and now the stocks are running low. If, on top of this, the winter wheat crop suffers, say due to the unseasonal October rains, then high cereal inflation could persist, thereby feeding a demand for higher wages, which would then translate into high general inflation.

Second, global inflation is still not under control. While inflation in the US has receded to 7.7 percent in October from 8.2 percent in September, inflation in the UK is 11 percent and rising, and that in the European Union has increased to 11.5 percent.

Third, the rupee may well remain under pressure in the coming months. As long as advanced country inflation remains high, their central banks will need to continue to raise interest rates from their historically low levels. Economists are currently expecting the US Federal Reserve to raise its policy rate by 100-150 basis points. The Organization of Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) has recently indicated that rate hikes in the European Union would need to be even larger. These higher rates abroad will discourage capital inflows into India, which will be problematic for the rupee since India needs the inflows to fund its large and growing current account deficit.

For all these reasons, international and domestic, we can’t be sure yet that inflation in India is headed back to 4 percent. And this leads us to our next big question: should the RBI stay focussed on the inflation problem or should monetary policy instead focus on reviving growth? Consider the benefits and drawbacks of shifting its stance.

In principle, the main benefit of lowering interest rates is that it would encourage domestic investment. But it is far from clear that investment is being held back by high interest rates. In fact, private sector investment has been sluggish for the past decade, regardless of whether RBI policy has been tight or stimulative. As a result, it is difficult to believe that another shift in the RBI’s policy stance will make much of a difference.

Consider now the potential costs of such a shift. The most obvious cost is that stimulating the economy could worsen the inflation problem. However the biggest cost is perhaps much more subtle: when analysts urge the RBI to try to revive growth, they distract attention from the deeper policy actions that are required on the part of the government, namely the task of creating an economic framework that encourages firms to take risks and expand capacity. As a result, the reforms needed to revive investment are not undertaken.

In summary, we are still not out of the woods as far as inflation is concerned. Hence, we should let the central bank do its job, its legally mandated task of bringing inflation down to 4 percent. And we should encourage the government to focus on its mandate, of creating a supportive environment for investment and growth.

Breathe easy when the rupee falls

Times of India, October 13, 2022

While the Indian economy has started recovering from the pandemic, the global economy has begun to decelerate. This has complicated the task of finding an appropriate policy mix that can deliver growth amidst multiple global headwinds. Existing domestic imbalances such as high inflation and a large stock of government debt have already imposed constraints on the authorities’ ability to manouver. Now the constraints are likely to worsen as India’s export prospects have dimmed and current account deficit seems set to widen. In such a situation, is there any policy space left to support growth? It seems there is a powerful arrow in the RBI’s quiver: the exchange rate.

There are widespread concerns about an impending recession in developed economies, as they struggle to deal with the worst streak of inflation in four decades. The US Fed has already raised its policy rate by 3 percentage points since March 2022, the most aggressive monetary contraction since the 1980s. It has now signalled that this tightening cycle will last longer than previously expected. The European Central Bank and the Bank of England have also embarked on monetary contraction in order to bring inflation down to their target levels of 2%.

As if this sudden shift in the monetary environment were not enough, Europe is currently facing an energy crisis as Russian supplies of natural gas dwindle, while China’s economy is dealing with an abrupt end to the real estate boom that had been powering that country’s economy for the past decade. Owing to these developments, the IMF has lowered its forecast of global growth for 2022 to only 3.2 percent, far below the 4.4 percent it predicted at the start of the year. As a spillover effect, already India’s pandemic-time export boom has ended. In fact, September 2022 witnessed a fall in exports, with declines being particularly sharp for apparel and engineering goods.

This situation has put domestic policymakers in a bind. Ideally, they would react to the fall in external demand by stimulating domestic demand. But the policy space available to do so is highly limited. The fiscal deficit in 2022-23 is budgeted to be around 6.4 percent of GDP and the debt to GDP ratio continues to be very high, close to 90 percent. This restricts the fiscal space available to the government to provide any kind of stimulus.

On the monetary side, the RBI has now begun tightening policy to bring inflation back to the target level. The RBI’s medium term inflation target is 4 percent, whereas the CPI inflation has been averaging at 6-7 percent in 2022 so far. While oil and commodity prices have been softening, erratic monsoon is pushing up food inflation leaving no room for the RBI to go easy on the rate hikes.

This implies that using fiscal or monetary policy to support growth at this juncture will only worsen the existing macro imbalances: the high levels of inflation, government debt, and the current account deficit (CAD).

The CAD is especially a problem now. On current trends it could reach the exceptionally high level of 4 percent of GDP in 2022-23. Such a high CAD would be very difficult to finance. In fact, capital is flowing the other way, with rising US interest rates encouraging investors to take money out of Indian capital markets and deploy it instead in the US.

Given the circumstances what can the RBI do? The most obvious strategy would be to try to bridge the gap between rising CAD and falling capital flows by using its foreign exchange reserves. Indeed, that is exactly what it has been doing. However, there are limits to what the RBI can or should do. Bridging this gap using reserves makes sense only if the gap is small and temporary. It has turned out to be neither.

Reserves have now been falling for an entire year, by a staggering $110 billion between September 2021 and early October 2022. The pace of reserve loss seems set to accelerate as India’s CAD widens and the US continues to increase interest rates.

Clearly, other strategies are needed. The RBI could try to stem capital outflows by raising rates to reduce the interest differential with the US. But given that the US Fed has signaled that it will increase rates by another 125 basis points (and might do more), this strategy might require much more aggressive rate hikes on the part of the RBI than what is warranted by domestic inflation. Such a strategy could end up hurting the nascent economic recovery even more.

That leaves the exchange rate. The RBI could allow the rupee to respond to market forces, and depreciate. Such a strategy would have a number of advantages. Most obviously, it would reduce the need to spend so much of the foreign exchange reserves; these can be preserved for situations when the country is faced with temporary and unforeseen external shocks, rather than chronic drains on the balance of payments.

A second advantage of allowing the rupee to depreciate is that it would enhance the competitiveness of Indian exports. This would be a powerful way – more powerful than targeted subsidy programs -- of ensuring that India would be able to gain some of the global market share that China has been giving up. And in doing so, it would ensure that exports, the key motor of India’s post-pandemic growth, does not seize up at such an early stage of the recovery.

Of course, a currency depreciation could add to the inflation problem, by increasing the rupee price of imported goods. But the effects would likely be minor, as long as monetary policy remains tight.

In other words, the benefits of this strategy are likely to far exceed the costs. The good news is that the RBI already seems to be on this path. After a period of trying to stabilise the currency, the RBI has recently allowed the rupee to depreciate. Rupee has reached an all-time low of nearly 83 against the dollar.

For the first time in several decades US inflation exceeds Indian inflation. Looking forward, as long as the Fed persists with rate hikes, there will be pressure on the rupee to depreciate. In response, the RBI should continue to let the rupee respond to market forces. This policy should be accompanied by appropriate government support, such as moving away from protectionist policies, and taking steps to create a more export-oriented environment so that firms can reap full advantage of a weaker rupee. These policy actions may in turn help turn the growth cycle around for India, and help cement its position as a fast-growing economy.

What the term premium is (or is not) telling us?

(with Harsh Vardhan) Bloomberg Quint, October 6, 2022

An important and usually reliable measure of the future economic outlook is the yield curve in the bond market. It is particularly useful when the overall economic environment is highly uncertain, such as now. The yield curve shows the yields of government securities (G-Secs) of various maturities. The steepness of the yield curve is often used as a proxy for market expectations about future interest rates, and hence future inflation and growth. In recent times however, the reliability of the yield curve and its information content have come into question.

One simple way to measure the steepness is the term premium. It is the difference between the yields at the short end and at the long end of the yield curve. In India, the long-term yield considered is typically the 10 year G-Sec yield while for the short-term, it is usually the yield on one-year treasury bills. Monetary policy has an important impact on the term premium. The actions of the central bank directly affect the short-term interest rate. The bond market interprets the central bank’s actions and statements and transacts long dated bonds setting the long-term rates.

Since May 2022, the RBI has been hiking the policy repo rate in response to the rise in CPI (consumer price index) inflation which averaged at 6.8% between January and August 2022. Accordingly the short-end of the yield curve has gone up from 5.1% in early May to 6.7% now. This is a move of around 160 basis points in the 1 year G-Sec yield.

The RBI has also been highlighting in its monetary policy statements the significant upside risks to inflation that remain a concern. It has specified that it will continue to withdraw surplus liquidity from the system which is consistent with a contractionary monetary policy. Its CPI inflation forecast for FY 2022-23 is 6.7%, much higher than its inflation target of 4%. This implies that monetary policy may need to be tightened in a calibrated manner for the next few quarters.

Moreover, monetary policy tightening in the US has led to a strengthening of the US dollar and accordingly an 11% depreciation in the rupee-dollar exchange rate in 2022 so far. This has been the fate of currencies across the world, not just in emerging economies, and has led to central banks raising interest rates in order to defend the exchange rates. There are talks among the analyst community in India that the RBI might follow suit. Given that the Fed has said it might increase interest rate by another 125 basis points by the end of 2022, any attempt to use monetary policy to defend the rupee’s value may require the RBI to raise rates significantly.

Given the circumstances, one might expect the yield curve to steepen i.e. long-term yields should go up alongside the short-term ones, reflecting market’s expectation of higher interest rates in the future.

What we see instead is that the rates at the long-end of the yield curve have gone up by only around 30 basis points – from 7.1% in early May to 7.4% now in comparison to the increase in the short end by about 160 bps. As a result, the term premium has come down to around 50-70 basis points from a long-term average of over 90 bps. This has led to a remarkable flattening of the yield curve which seems counterintuitive.

Such a flat yield curve implies that the bond market believes that the rate actions taken by the RBI would help control inflation, which in turn would lower the chances of future interest rate hikes. In other words, the market does not agree with the RBI as far as assessment of risks to inflation are concerned. It also means the market does not expect the RBI to raise rates to match the monetary policy tightening being undertaken by the US Fed.

If the long-term yields remain as steady as they have been over the last few months, and the RBI continues to tighten the short-term rates, we may soon see the term premium moving close to 0. For an economy growing roughly at 5-6% on average with an inherent inflationary impulse, such a flat yield curve implies that the market is anticipating a severe growth slowdown and hence monetary policy easing.

Is that indeed the case? The answer is: it is not possible to answer this anymore by looking at the yield curve. Let's understand why.

During the pandemic the RBI had expanded its balance sheet by around 25%. It bought long-term G-Secs and the 10Yyields were held steady around 6%. Since October 2021 it has stopped its bond buying program. At its peak the RBI’s balance sheet was around Rs 65 trillion in October 2021. Between then and September 2022 the balance sheet has shrunk marginally to around Rs 59-60 trillion. This means that while the RBI has been withdrawing short-term liquidity using the SDF and reverse repo facilities, it has not been selling long-term G-Secs.

Typically, the RBI withdraws long-term liquidity through open market operations (OMOs) or by selling dollars from its reserves. In the former case, the stock of G-Secs goes down, and in the latter, reserves fall. The RBI has lately been relying on the second mechanism - selling dollars - to reduce liquidity (and to stem the rupee depreciation). When the RBI’s GSec holdings were small, this did not matter. Now the RBI potentially holds around Rs 15 lakh crore worth of G-Secs which is tad below 20% of all outstanding G-Secs, compared to its peak holding of Rs 15.8 trillion in September 2021. In contrast, between 2011 and 2020, the average RBI ownership of G-Secs was roughly 11% of the outstanding. As long as the RBI continues to hold such a large amount of G-Secs, the long-end of the yield curve is unlikely to respond freely to economic conditions.

A natural way for the term premium to shrink is if inflation comes down or growth slows down. But if in some part of the market there are no transactions, and a large chunk of the supply of long-dated bonds is cornered then this hampers price discovery. All interest rate sensitive securities are directly or indirectly priced with reference to the yield curve. Any such distortion of the yield curve therefore will translate into an economy wide pricing distortion. This also hampers transmission of monetary policy along the yield curve.

The RBI itself has been advocating an “orderly evolution of the yield curve”, but its own decision has important consequences for the market in general and the yield curve in particular. The current compression of the term premium suggests that the yield curve is anything but orderly.

Playing it safe

Indian Express, August 5, 2022

The RBI's latest Financial Stability Report (FSR) has given the banking system a reasonably clean bill of health. It's a significant achievement, considering the stress of the previous decade, the shock of the pandemic and the associated slowdown of the economy. However, the improvement in banks' financials presents a glass half-full picture. It is still unclear whether the banking system is healthy enough to provide the sustained credit growth needed for a strong economic recovery.

Two key indicators demonstrate the banking system’s progress. Successive waves of recapitalization have given banks enough resources to write off most of their bad loans. As a result, they have been able to bring down their gross NPAs from 11 percent of total advances in 2017-18 to 5.9 percent in 2021-22. NPAs for industrial credit have been reduced even more dramatically, from 23 percent to 8.4 percent. Even after these large write-offs, most banks retain comfortable levels of capital.

This financial turnaround has given banks the space to resume their business of extending credit. During the decade when banks were under stress, non-food bank credit growth had been declining, reaching just 6 percent in 2020, its lowest point in six decades. Since then, credit growth has nearly doubled.

These are the visible signs of a healthier banking system. However, the broad aggregates conceal a worrisome picture, raising questions about the role bank credit will play in supporting GDP growth. The problem is that very little of this credit is going to large-scale industry or for financing investment.

Consider first the sectoral distribution of credit. Over the last decade, banks have increasingly shifted away from providing credit to industry, favouring instead lending to consumers. Consequently, the share of industry in total banking credit has declined from 43 percent in 2010 to 30 percent in 2020, while that of consumer loans has increased from 19 percent to 29 percent. This trend is continuing: in the year ending March 2022, consumer loans grew at 13 percent, whereas loans to industry grew at just 8 percent.

Bulk of the industry loans has been extended to the smaller firms (MSMEs), which benefitted from the credit guarantee scheme offered by the government in the wake of the pandemic. Loan growth for MSMEs went up from 3 percent in 2020 to 31 percent in 2022. In contrast, lending to large industries has been stagnant in nominal terms during the last two years, implying that it has declined sharply in real terms.

A related problem is that there has been little lending for private sector investment. Over the last one year, bank lending to infrastructure has grown by 9 percent, up from 3 percent in 2020, but this was fuelled mainly by public sector capital expenditure. Meanwhile, much of the lending to private industry has been in the form of working capital loans, necessitated by the increase in commodity prices, which has led to a sharp rise in the cost of holding inventories.

Why is there so little lending for investment by large firms? Both demand and supply side factors seem to be at work. On the demand side, private sector investment has been sluggish for nearly a decade. The boom-and-bust of the mid-2000s had saddled firms with excess capacity, giving them little reason to expand their production facilities. In addition, the Global Financial Crisis had shown the dangers of ambitious expansion supported by excessive borrowing, leading firms to conclude that it would be prudent to scale back their plans and instead focus on reducing their debts.

On the supply side, banks have learned similar lessons. During the period 2004-2009, rapid GDP growth in the Indian economy was fuelled by an unprecedented lending boom. Credit doubled within the span of a few years, primarily on the back of lending to large infrastructure projects. Subsequently, many of those loans turned bad, leading to high levels of NPAs on bank balance sheets. As a result of these financial problems, banks for a decade were unable to extend much in the way of credit. Even when their health improved, they remained wary of lending to large-scale industrial projects, preferring instead to shift to smaller-scale and less risky consumer lending. This situation of risk aversion on the part of firms and banks has not changed perceptibly during the post pandemic recovery.

On the positive side, firms seem to have finally used up much of their spare capacity. But on the negative side, the fundamental problems that led to the difficulties of the past decade still have not been resolved. There is still no framework that will reduce the risk of private sector investment in infrastructure, certainly not in the critical and highly troubled power sector. Nor is there any reassurance for the banks that if problems do develop, they can be resolved expeditiously, since the Insolvency and Bankruptcy Code (IBC) has been plagued by delays and other problems. Now, heightened global macroeconomic uncertainty, growing geopolitical tensions and uncertain recovery prospects of the domestic economy are likely to make matters worse.

In other words, a healthy balance sheet of the banking sector is a necessary but not a sufficient condition for economic growth. The important question is whether banks and firms will once again be willing to take on the risk of investment in industry and infrastructure. And this seems unlikely unless there are deep structural reforms – to the infrastructure framework, the resolution process, and indeed in the risk management processes at the banks themselves. In the event that these reforms do not materialise, there may continue to be shortfalls in credit, investment, and ultimately in economic recovery and growth.

Why weaker rupee isn't all bad news

Times of India, July 22, 2022

Over the last few months, the exchange rate has come under intense pressure, falling to nearly Rs. 80 to the dollar, its lowest level ever. Some observers have argued that this pressure can be managed easily, since the country can simply sell a portion of its foreign exchange war chest, which amounts to a healthy $580 billion. Unfortunately, currency management is not that simple. In fact, it is not obvious that dollar sales will be sufficient to resolve the exchange rate pressure – or even whether preventing depreciation is the right strategy for the economy at present.

Let’s start by considering why the rupee has been under so much pressure. A key reason is that the US Federal Reserve has begun to tighten monetary policy aggressively to control inflation, which is at a four-decade high. The Fed has already raised interest rates by 150 basis points so far this year and is expected to tighten by a further 75 basis points later this month. When the Fed raises interest rates, global investor funds shift their portfolio allocations towards US financial markets, taking the money out of other countries. In India’s case, the net sales of foreign portfolio investors have amounted to a sizeable $31 billion in 2022 so far, according to data from NSDL.

The inflow of money into the US has led to an appreciation of the dollar. The dollar index (DXY) has strengthened against its trading partners by more than 11 percent this calendar year, reaching levels last seen in 2002. The counterpart to this appreciation has been a depreciation of the pound sterling, the euro, and nearly all Emerging Market (EM) currencies. In the case of the rupee, the depreciation has amounted to a relatively modest 7 percent since January 2022.

In fact, the rupee’s depreciation has been surprisingly modest, considering that at the same time that capital has been flowing out of the country, India’s current account deficit (CAD) has also been widening. Typically, the CAD increases when aggregate demand grows so rapidly that imports rise faster than exports. However, aggregate demand in the Indian economy has been tepid since the onset of the Covid-19 pandemic and the recovery has been slow and gradual at best. So why is the CAD worsening?

Much of the answer lies in the rapid growth of import prices. India is heavily dependent on imports of petroleum (which cover 80 percent of the country’s needs) and other commodities. And supplies of commodities have been disrupted since the Russia-Ukraine war started in February 2022, causing the prices of petroleum, fertilisers, edible oils, and other products to soar. This has automatically inflated the import bill, pushing the monthly trade deficit to an all-time high of $26 billion in June 2022. On current trend, the CAD for the fiscal year could reach 3-3.5 percent of GDP.

This has put India in a difficult situation. Just when the country needs more financing to cover a widening CAD, capital has started to flow abroad. That is why the rupee has taken a tumble.

So what can be done?

Without doubt, India can utilise some of its ample foreign exchange reserves – and indeed, it has already done so. However, this is not a complete solution. When the central bank sells foreign reserves, commercial banks need to give rupees in return, draining them of liquidity. Consequently, when reserve sales become large, the liquidity drain becomes sizeable, potentially tightening the money supply far more than what is appropriate, thereby endangering economic recovery.

To address this problem, the foreign exchange intervention can be “sterilised” if the central bank buys government securities from the banks. In that case, banks will receive rupees, thereby replenishing their liquidity. But if the central bank purchases large amounts of bonds, this could push G-Sec rates down to inappropriately low levels, thereby endangering the inflation target.

For these reasons, there is a limit to the amount of foreign exchange that the central bank can sell without jeopardising its other targets. And there is a further problem: since investors know that there is a limit to the foreign exchange sales, they will be tempted to try to purchase as much as they can right now. In that way, a policy of foreign exchange sales can sometimes – paradoxically – increase the pressure on the exchange rate.

In view of the complications arising from the strategy of selling reserves, it might help to go back to fundamentals and ask a deeper question: do we really want to prevent the rupee from depreciating?

After all, if the rupee fails to follow when other EM currencies are depreciating, then India’s exports will lose competitiveness. Already, the rupee has appreciated significantly against other Asian currencies such as the South Korean won, the Thai baht and the Taiwanese dollar. If competitiveness is further eroded just when the global economic environment is turning difficult, export growth could really suffer. And that might be a big problem.

The two most important drivers of growth for an emerging economy like India are investment and exports. Private sector investment has been sluggish for several years. Last year’s recovery was highly dependent on exports, which fortunately grew exceptionally rapidly. If this engine of growth starts to sputter, so might the economic recovery.

Of course, there are costs to a weak rupee. In particular, depreciation will push up prices at a time when inflation is already a problem. But there are other mechanisms for addressing inflation, such as increases in the repo rate, which indeed are already happening. In contrast, there are no other ready mechanisms to safeguard export competitiveness, apart from the exchange rate.

In sum, reserves can indeed be used to stabilise the rupee – but only to a certain extent. And there are some important advantages to allowing the rupee to weaken, as a way of supporting India’s economic recovery process. Striking the right balance is going to be a challenge not only for India, but for all emerging economy central banks.

What the MPC says and what the RBI does

Indian Express, June 22, 2022

Communication is an critical element of monetary policy. In the current inflation targeting (IT) regime, the resolution adopted by the Monetary Policy Committee (MPC) and published on the Reserve Bank of India’s website on the day of the monetary policy meeting is an important channel of communication with the public. Yet there seems to be a gap between what the MPC says and what the RBI does.

Under the IT regime, the most important role in communication belongs to the MPC, consisting of three external members, three RBI representatives, and chaired by the Governor. By law, this is the highest monetary policy-making body in the land, tasked with deciding monetary policy changes at regular intervals. These changes are then communicated through formal statements, with the discussions underlying these decisions also being published, so that the public can understand why the MPC decided the way that they did.

During the first few years of IT from 2016 to 2018, the process worked quite well. On the days of policy announcements, the Governor and his deputies would participate in a press conference to answer questions from the media. But otherwise the focus was squarely on the MPC, especially its statement, from which the public used to glean important information about the monetary policy strategy – that is, why the repo rate was or was not changed.

From 2019 onwards, however, things began to change. The RBI began to release a separate Governor’s statement on the day of the monetary policy meeting, presenting an inflation outlook and even explaining the decision taken by the MPC. The rationale for this statement was unclear: at best, it has overlapped with the MPC statement; at times, it has seemed somewhat different, making it difficult for the public to understand what the policy strategy really was.

Consider the MPC statement following the June 8 Monetary Policy Review. The MPC highlighted inflation concerns, and voted in favour of raising the policy repo rate. On the same day, a Governor’s statement issued by the RBI mentioned that the central bank will also remain focussed on orderly completion of the government’s borrowing programme.

The issuance of two such different statements can lead to confusion, especially as lowering inflation and lowering government bond yields are contradictory policy objectives. This is an example of how over the past few years, a communication gap seems to have opened up between what the MPC has been saying and what the RBI has been doing, thereby potentially eroding credibility of the IT framework. This communication gap will need to be closed in order for the RBI to become successful in bringing inflation back to its 4 percent target level.

Why is communication so critical? There are many reasons. But let’s focus on just one, namely the ability of the central bank to influence inflation expectations. If the public believes the central bank is committed to keeping inflation under control, then it will act accordingly. Firms will moderate their price increases, fearing that large price rises will make them uncompetitive. Meanwhile, workers will accept moderate wage increases, while investors will accept low interest rates on their bond purchases. With everyone acting in this way, it will be easier for the central bank to ensure that inflation indeed remains low.

Of course, spikes in commodity prices will inevitably cause inflation to surge from time to time. But if inflation expectations are well anchored, then it becomes relatively easy for the central bank to ensure that inflation returns to the target level before too long.

The most important task of the MPC, enshrined in the RBI Act (Amended), 2016 that introduced IT, is to decide the repo rate, since this has long been the lynchpin of India’s monetary policy framework. Ever since the early 2000s, policy had aimed to keep overnight money market rates in a corridor, with the lower bound established by the reverse repo rate and the upper bound by the repo rate. Since the width of this corridor was fixed, once the repo rate was decided, the reverse repo rate was automatically determined, and market overnight rates adjusted accordingly.

But during the Covid19 pandemic, the RBI constantly adjusted the reverse repo rate even as the MPC kept the repo rate unchanged, meaning that the fixed width of the corridor was lost, and accordingly the MPC lost any role in determining interest rates. Accordingly, the remit of the MPC and indeed the credibility of the entire IT edifice was called into question.

In addition, the RBI introduced a number of new policy instruments, again outside the remit of the MPC. During the pandemic, it brought in the GSAP program through which the RBI precommited to buying a certain amount of dated government bonds in order to control their yields. It then introduced variable reverse repo auctions, and more recently replaced the reverse repo rate with the long-dormant standing deposit facility rate, the rationale for which was not explained in the MPC statement. Unlike developed country central banks like the Bank of England for example, all unconventional monetary policy announcements were kept outside the MPC statement thereby raising questions about the role of the committee in deciding monetary policy actions at a crucial time like the pandemic.

Lastly, the RBI has been intervening in the foreign exchange market to manage the rupee. Forex interventions by definition influence the domestic monetary base and inflation. Yet the MPC in its monetary policy statements does not discuss either the exchange rate dynamics or the forex interventions. Just as it does not discuss the RBI’s interventions in the bond market to lower the yields.

The net result of all these actions is a potential loss of both clarity and credibility. There appears to be an growing rift between what the MPC says and what the RBI does. And with the proliferation of policy instruments, it is no longer clear to the public how the policy stance should be measured – or what the monetary policy framework is.

In its latest two statements, the MPC indicated that policy would now be focusing on bringing India’s inflation rate under control. If the RBI is going to be successful in this endeavour, the first step must be to close the communication gap, by reintroducing a simple and clear policy framework and restoring the central role of the MPC.

Rating RBI’s rate hikes

Times of India, June 9, 2022

On June 8, the Reserve Bank of India increased the policy repo rate by 50 basis points. This is a step in the right direction. There is an ongoing inflation crisis in the country and the central bank seems to have finally woken up from its slumber. This however raises deeper questions about inflation control in India.

This is the second time in the last 15 years that India has faced an inflation crisis and the RBI has been caught napping. The first time was right after the 2008 Global Financial Crisis. One big difference between these two episodes is that the RBI is now an inflation targeting central bank. IT was implemented precisely to help avoid a situation of high and volatile inflation. So what went wrong, and what lessons can be learnt from the current crisis?

Let’s first understand how the RBI missed the inflation bus. The inflation problem has been brewing since 2020. During March-Dec 2020, CPI inflation exceeded the 6% upper limit of the RBI’s target band, for three quarters in a row. According to the RBI Act 1934 (amended 2016), this is considered a failure of the RBI to meet the inflation target. The RBI is required to write a report to the Central Government explaining the reasons for the failure, remedial actions to be taken and the estimated time period within which the target will be achieved. At the time however the RBI succeeded in dodging this accountability, citing data problems aggravated by the lockdown. This was also the time when the pandemic was in full swing and central banks all over the world were rolling out easy monetary policies. Hence the analysts and experts (barring a few) in India also did not question the RBI’s overlooking of the inflation problem.

Moving on to more recent times, the Russia-Ukraine war and persistent supply chain bottlenecks have once again pushed CPI inflation above the 6% level starting Jan 2022. More worrisome has been the persistent increase in WPI inflation which has steadily gone up from 10.7% in April 2021 to 15% in April 2022, the highest level in three decades. Wholesale inflation impacts retail prices with a lag. This implies that CPI inflation will continue to increase.

The table below summarises the RBI’s response to this surge in inflation. Even as CPI inflation kept rising and WPI inflation reached alarming levels, the RBI continued to underestimate inflation. It stuck to an accommodative stance and refrained from increasing the policy repo rate. This shows that the RBI did not consider inflation a serious problem till May 2022. Even though no new information surfaced between April and June, the RBI increased interest rates by a steep 90 basis points in a little more than a month, between May 4 and June 8.

This shows that the RBI was behind the curve and is now trying to overcompensate. This does not instill confidence about how inflation is being managed despite RBI being an inflation targeting central bank.

This episode raises deeper questions about the working of the IT framework and highlights some important lessons.

First of all, in the IT regime, the Monetary Policy Committee is responsible for forecasting inflation, setting the policy rate as well as deciding the monetary policy stance to help keep inflation within the target band. We need to ask why did the MPC fail in anticipating the surge in inflation months ahead of time and what reforms are required to help avoid a similar situation going forward.

Secondly, and a related point, it seems the MPC is not using the power that it has been vested with by the law. For instance, a critical feature of an effective committee is dissent by its members. This reflects diversity of opinions, one of the main reasons we have a committee now looking into inflation. It is remarkable that despite the uncertainty of the underlying macro environment, there has not been a single dissent in the MPC as regards the policy rate, for several months. Lack of disagreement raises questions about the MPC’s efficacy.

Third, the greatest contribution that monetary policy can make is inflation control. For this to happen, all other objectives of the RBI must be delegitimised, including, ensuring low-cost borrowing for the government, and exchange rate management.

Finally, a key element of IT is accountability. We need to create an environment where it is costly for the RBI to stray from its primary objective of inflation control. For example, when CPI inflation exceeds 6% for three quarters in a row in 2022, the RBI must explain where it went wrong and what steps are being taken to remedy the situation.

In India, inflation harms the poor the most, and hence it is directly relevant for politicians trying to win elections. In such a situation, the best thing that the RBI can do is to deliver a predictable 4 per cent CPI inflation for decades so that economic policymaking can get back on track and firms and households can start planning for the future. Both the RBI and the government must therefore learn from the current inflation crisis and further strengthen the IT framework so that India does not face a similar episode of high and volatile inflation, the third time around.

Price of wrong price strategy

Times of India, June 2, 2022

India is now facing a dual problem of low growth and high inflation. The recovery has proved much weaker than expected, with growth amounting to a meagre 4.1 percent in the fourth quarter of 2021-22. At the same time, inflation has been surging so much so that over the past few weeks the government has taken a wide range of measures to deal with it. Unfortunately, this strategy is misplaced. The government’s actions will have only a marginal effect on inflation, while they may do significant damage to the incipient recovery. The government needs to step back from the inflation fight, and instead encourage the RBI to tighten monetary policy.

CPI (consumer price index) inflation was close to 8 percent in April, nearly double the RBI's legally mandated target of 4 percent. Most of this inflation is caused by supply-side bottlenecks, triggered first by the pandemic and subsequently by the Russia-Ukraine war and lockdowns in China. Yet even as supply has been constrained, the RBI has been pursuing an easy monetary policy, aimed at encouraging demand. As a result, inflation has been increasing.

With inflation surging, and the RBI still in "accommodative" mode, the central government has now announced a slew of measures to ease the supply constraints, focusing on those commodities whose prices have increased sharply. It has banned wheat exports, lowered the excise tax to Rs 8 per litre on petrol and Rs 6 per litre on diesel, and reduced the import duty on steel.

That's not all. The government has also imposed an export duty on steel products at the rate of 15 percent and increased the export duty on iron ore from 30 percent to 50 percent. It has imposed a cap on sugar exports. There is a demand to ban cotton exports as well.

It is clear that the government is trying hard to bring down the cost of commodities. But these actions will only have a modest effect on inflation. Part of the reason is that price increases are no longer confined to just a few commodities. Inflation is now broad-based, extending to virtually every good and service in the economy. Further inflationary pressure is building up, as seen from a WPI (wholesale price index) inflation of 15 percent, the highest in more than two decades. As these wholesale price increases are passed through to the retail level, CPI inflation could rise further.

While the government’s bans and market interventions will do little to dent inflation, they are likely to damage growth by undermining exports and investment. Let’s consider these one by one.

India now faces a historic opportunity to use exports as a lever to boost GDP growth. China, the main export engine of the world, has been locking down its factories even as international firms are scouting for new production locations. Meanwhile, Russia is being subjected to ever-tighter economic sanctions. As a result, two large Asian countries are reducing their presence on the international trade landscape, creating an unprecedented scope for India to attract international firms to produce and export from here.

Exploiting this opportunity requires an appropriate policy stance. Perhaps the single most critical element of such a stance would be a stable and consistent trade policy. Whenever the government suddenly bans exports or imposes export duties, it puts firms with export orders in a position where they cannot fulfil their contracts. This is not only embarrassing, it also exposes both exporters and importers to large losses. To avoid this situation, domestic firms will shy away from entering the export business, while foreign firms will be reluctant to place orders with Indian firms. In addition, multinationals will be discouraged from shifting their production to India. After all, why should a firm relocate here, if there is a risk that its exports could be banned, its imports subjected to high duties, and the rules governing its sector changed overnight?

Similarly, sudden and radical policy announcements discourage investment. After two difficult pandemic years, the economy is now reviving, leading firms to consider whether now is the time to start increasing their production capacity. But firms will start to think again when the government alters policy frameworks overnight, even if the change is in a sector far removed from their own. The cost of major investments can only be recouped over a long payback period, and if over this timeframe the government takes an action that renders their investments uneconomic, the firms could end up in serious financial trouble. So better to play safe and avoid major investments.

Finally, the government's actions will affect growth in yet another way. The reduction in excise taxes on petrol and diesel will deprive the centre of revenue at a time when the budget deficit is already far too large. That means the government may need to compensate by cutting spending on infrastructure projects that are vital for the nation’s development.

At this crucial juncture, macroeconomic policy has the delicate task of simultaneously tackling inflation and promoting the recovery. The first task is the job of the RBI. The central bank must take full responsibility for its actions so far, sending a clear signal that henceforth it will focus on bringing inflation down without getting distracted by any other objective. The government on the other hand needs to focus on growth. It needs to reduce market interventions, eliminate prohibitions, and dismantle trade barriers, so that firms are incentivized to export and invest.

If instead, we continue to get the policy “assignments” mixed up, we will end up with objectives that are mixed up. That is, instead of entrenching growth and derailing inflation, we will derail the recovery and entrench inflation. That would not just be a policy mistake. It would be a recipe for a crisis.

4-point battle plan for RBI

Times of India, May 14, 2022

As the Indian economy struggles to recover from the pandemic, it is facing another obstacle in the form of high and rising inflation. Keeping inflation low and stable is the legal mandate of the Reserve Bank of India under the inflation targeting (IT) framework. It is therefore worth asking: why is inflation so high, and what should be done differently to ensure it comes down and stays down?

Consider the first question. In recent months, the Russia-Ukraine war and China’s lockdowns have pushed up the prices of critical items including crude oil, edible oils, and fertilisers. On top of that, for the first time in four decades, India is now “importing” high inflation from developed economies such as the US and Europe. Without doubt, these external developments have exacerbated India’s inflation. But they are not the cause of the problem.

The real cause of the problem lies closer to home. Inflation is high today because underlying pressures have been building up for years, and the RBI, despite its legal mandate, has not acted in time to stop them.

Since the start of the pandemic in March 2020, consumer price index (CPI) inflation has averaged 5.8 percent. This implies that inflation has been close to the 6 percent upper threshold of the RBI’s target band, despite an unprecedented collapse in demand. For the first three months of 2022, inflation has consistently exceeded the 6 percent upper limit. The wholesale price index (WPI) has been increasing at an even faster rate, averaging 13 percent since April 2021. This is the highest WPI inflation in more than two decades. This matters for the CPI target because persistent increases in wholesale prices get passed on to retail customers with a lag of a few quarters. Of particular concern has been the recent spike in WPI food inflation, which is now translating into high retail food prices.

In other words, the warning bells about growing inflationary pressures have been ringing loud and clear for a while now. Yet, despite being an IT central bank, the RBI has not been paying much heed to these alarm bells. On the contrary, it kept arguing that inflation was a temporary problem. This was presumably based on the assumption that inflation would disappear when the pandemic subsided, that the supply constraints--both domestic and international, would soon abate, and that global inflation was also temporary. The RBI’s inflation projections reflected this assessment. Over the past few months, its forecast of CPI inflation for 2022-23 remained in the range of 4.5 - 5.7 percent.

It is quite clear now that inflation is not a temporary problem. The war in Ukraine is unlikely to end soon, and even when it ends, the international sanctions on Russia will remain for some time. The lockdowns in China are getting worse by the day. Even the US Fed has now acknowledged that inflation is not a transient phenomenon and has been forced to act aggressively. In all likelihood, the era of low global inflation is now over.

Meanwhile, in India, with inflation predicted to subside on its own and remain well within the band, the RBI did not feel the need to act to contain it. Instead, its “accommodative” policy has trapped the economy in a vicious circle. With interest rates falling and inflation rising, real interest rates have been falling sharply, intensifying excess demand, feeding inflation, thereby further reducing real rates. During the first three months of 2022, real 91day Tbill rates fell to the exceptionally low rate of -2.6 percent. Clearly, the RBI needed to act on time to stop this dynamic.

This brings us to the second question: what should the RBI do differently to address this problem?

First, it needs to clearly communicate that it is serious about inflation and will do whatever it takes to bring inflation down to the target level over the next few months. This is important for anchoring inflation expectations. If the public expect inflation to keep rising it will become even more difficult for the RBI to tame inflation.

First, it maybe argued that the increased capex spending by the government since last year has not resulted in the desired “crowding-in” of private sector investment which continues to be sluggish.

Secondly, the RBI needs to stick to the operating procedure outlined in law, and announce monetary policy changes in a predictable manner. This is crucial for restoring its own credibility as an IT central bank. The surprise May 4 announcement, when the repo rate was suddenly raised by 40 basis points, is exactly the kind of policy action that the RBI should avoid. A sudden reaction like this sends a signal that the RBI has lost control of the situation and that after ignoring inflation for too long, needs to overcompensate. This kind of an action undermines rather than builds confidence.

Third, any decision to raise the policy rate must be accompanied by an inflation forecast that justifies the rate action. Releasing credible inflation forecasts instils confidence about the capability of the RBI to do IT.

Finally, the Monetary Policy Committee (MPC) should be restored to its rightful role as the overseer of policy decisions. Over the past few years, the RBI has essentially bypassed the MPC, thereby losing a vital “reality check” on its forecasts and actions.

The inflation problem in India has reached worrisome proportions. As a result, the adjustments needed are more painful than they would have been if the RBI had acted on time. But late is better than never. The RBI now needs to be decisive and resolute in pursuit of its inflation target. The future of India’s economy, and the livelihood of its people, depend on it.

Question of timing

Indian Express, May 31, 2022

The Reserve Bank of India normally makes policy announcements on a well-defined schedule. But on May 4 it unexpectedly tightened monetary policy, increasing its policy interest rate and reducing liquidity in the banking system. Markets were taken aback by the announcement, with the 10-year government bond yield jumping by 25 basis points to reach 7.38 percent.

Why did the RBI do this? Even after the Governor’s careful explanations, the answers remain unclear.

At one level, the answer is obvious: inflation pressures are rising. Since the last MPC meeting of April 8, headline CPI (consumer price index) inflation has gone up from 6.1 percent to 7.0 percent, and the forthcoming inflation numbers are expected to be even worse. Clearly, the RBI had to respond. So, it raised the policy repo rate by 40 basis points to 4.4 percent and increased the cash reserve ratio by 50 basis points to 4.5 percent.

This explanation however does not seem entirely adequate, because nothing fundamental has changed since the last policy meeting of April. Even back then, it was obvious that inflation pressures were rising. The wholesale price index (WPI) was already in double digits, inflation in the US and Europe was increasing, commodity prices were spiking owing to the Russia-Ukraine war, and supply chain constraints were tightening, as China imposed severe lockdowns to deal with a resurgence of the Covid-19 pandemic. But the RBI did not think that these pressures warranted a policy tightening.

What made the RBI change its mind? Under the Inflation Targeting framework, the central bank’s thinking is typically revealed by its inflation forecast. If it projects that inflation will be above target for some time, this implies that the central bank is concerned about rising prices and will be taking action to bring inflation down. In the last Policy Review, the RBI projected that inflation would abate to 5 percent by the end of the fiscal year, somewhat higher than the 4 percent objective but not unduly so, thereby explaining why the central bank saw no need to tighten at that time.

Presumably, the RBI now thinks that the inflation pressures will either be more intense or more durable than it had earlier expected. And presumably, the RBI felt that its policy stance was now “behind the curve”, meaning that urgent action was needed to quell these pressures. Otherwise, it would have waited till the next MPC meeting on June 8 to increase the repo rate. But it is impossible to know whether this was really the motivation, as the RBI didn’t release a revised inflation forecast—and because other explanations are also possible.

One possibility relates to the exchange rate. The US Federal Reserve was expected to announce a 50 basis point increase in interest rates later in the day of May 4. So, it is possible that the RBI wanted to jump ahead of this announcement by announcing its own 40 basis point rate increase, maintaining (more or less) the interest differential against the US dollar and thereby keeping the dollar-rupee exchange rate relatively stable.

It's not obvious why exchange rate stability would be a priority for the RBI. After all, its legal mandate is to achieve an inflation target, not an exchange rate objective. But the RBI does seem determined to limit the rupee’s depreciation. The April 8 statement highlighted that India's foreign exchange reserves had increased to US 607 billion at the end of 2021-22. In contrast, the May 4 statement mentioned that India’s foreign exchange reserves now amount to US 600 billion, a decline of US 7 billion. So, clearly the RBI has been intervening in the foreign exchange market to stem the rupee depreciation. It therefore appears plausible that the unexpected increase in the policy rate was done to defend the currency against further depreciation pressures.

So, there are two potential explanations for the RBI's sudden move. Both have rationales, but both also have costs. Consider the first possibility, that the RBI has now radically revised its inflation forecast (without of course releasing the same). Inflation targeting works best if monetary policy is predictable, with interest rate actions being announced on a regular schedule, based on clearly-explained inflation forecasts. On the contrary, sudden moves convey the message that the RBI is getting worried that it is no longer in control of the inflation situation, which is hardly a reassuring signal to send to the markets.

Next, consider the possibility that the RBI wanted to keep the exchange rate stable. The problem is that India is facing an adverse terms of trade shock in the form of rising oil prices, which is putting pressure on the current account deficit. If the RBI allowed the exchange rate to depreciate in response, this would alleviate the current account deficit. Perhaps more importantly, depreciation would help the nascent recovery by ensuring that exports can continue to grow, despite the difficult international circumstances. And there is the additional problem that targeting the exchange rate violates the RBI’s legal mandate.

The RBI now faces a difficult task in the months ahead. At the broadest level, it needs to address the costs of its surprise announcement by reinforcing the credibility of the inflation targeting framework. Specifically, it will need to focus – and be seen to focus – squarely on its inflation target, rather than exchange rate or other objectives. And it will need to convince the public that it is actually trying to get inflation under control.

To do this, it will need to continue to tighten policy – but in a gradual, predictable and transparent manner.

Why RBI must heed inflation

Indian Express, March 29, 2022

The Reserve Bank of India is an inflation targeting central bank. It is legally mandated to keep inflation in check. Yet the RBI has persisted with its easy monetary policy, even as inflation pressures have increased. We need to understand why, and what could be the repercussions.

Let's first ask, is inflation a problem in India? Indeed, it is. For most of the past two years, CPI (consumer price index) inflation has been hovering close to the 6 percent upper threshold of the RBI’s target band. Inflation averaged 6.1 percent during the pandemic period (April 2020 to June 2021), despite a massive collapse in aggregate demand. It then dipped somewhat as food prices eased, but underlying inflation (i.e., core inflation, excluding food and fuel items) has remained around 6 percent for the last twelve months. Then in January 2022, as food prices recovered, headline inflation once again crossed the upper threshold of the RBI's inflation targeting band.

Inflationary pressures do not seem to be diminishing either. Instead, they continue to build up. The standard measure of inflation "in the pipeline" is WPI (wholesale price index) inflation, since price increases at the wholesale level tend to translate into retail inflation in due course. And the WPI is sounding a loud alarm. Between April 2021 and February 2022, WPI inflation averaged 12.7 percent, the highest in more than a decade.

The problems do not stop there. Russia’s invasion of Ukraine has resulted in a sharp increase in global commodity prices, including prices of crude oil, edible oils, and fertilisers. At the same time, a resurgence of the Covid-19 pandemic in mainland China and Hong Kong has led to shutdowns that will further constrain supplies of raw materials. Even if the war and the pandemic in China both subside soon, their effects will not. Sanctions on Russia are likely to remain for some time, while it will take a while for China to clear the backlog of orders that the shutdowns have caused.

Indian firms are already adapting to this situation, passing on the commodity price increases to retail prices. We have reports of double-digit increases in the prices of consumer goods (FMCG) as well as in the real estate sector. Even though the government continues to suppress domestic pump prices, prices of petrol, diesel and cooking gas have gone up in major cities.

Standard economics gives us a guide for how central banks should react in a situation like this. It says that monetary policy should accommodate the first round of commodity price increase, but only under certain conditions, notably that inflation is initially on target, and expectations are firmly anchored. But neither condition holds at present. Inflation is already too high, and so are expectations. As of January 2022, 68 percent of households surveyed by the RBI expected prices in the 1-year ahead period to increase more than the current rate, up from 63 percent one year ago; more than 57 percent households expected cost of services in the 1-year ahead period to increase more than the current levels, up from 51 percent one year ago.

In some quarters, an argument is nonetheless being made that monetary policy should not be tightened when inflation is driven by supply-side factors, as it can adversely impact growth. This is fallacious; it has things exactly backward. When there are supply constraints, using easy monetary policy to boost demand is not going to boost output. It will only create a situation of excess demand, pushing up prices even further. And if firms are expecting high inflation, this will send things into a vicious spiral, as they will increase their prices even more in advance of any input price pressures.

Surely the RBI is aware of all of this. So why is it still not acting on it? To answer this let’s take a step back and look at what is happening globally.

The RBI is not the only central bank that is not reacting to inflation. In the US, the Federal Reserve has been slow to raise rates even as inflation has reached a four-decade high. The ECB in Europe has been even slower to react. The problem seems to be that governments all over the world are worried about growth. They are hoping that central banks can somehow solve this problem, since government debts are at exceptionally high levels. Until governments accept that reviving growth is their responsibility, not that of the central banks, and especially not when inflationary pressures are on the rise, central banks will not be able to focus on inflation.

In India, monetary policy also suffers from a strong fiscal dominance. As a result, not only is the RBI expected to support growth, it is also expected to keep the government’s borrowing costs in check, which is in direct conflict with its inflation targeting objective.

What are the repercussions of the RBI ignoring inflationary pressures? A decade ago, we were in a similar situation where inflation had started increasing but the RBI delayed its response because it was focusing on growth. When inflation subsequently took off, it reached double digits and the RBI had to raise interest rates aggressively to bring it down. That was a very painful adjustment. We do not need a repeat of that episode now. In other words, we need to recognise that high inflation is the real threat to growth, not a prudent monetary policy tightening.

In addition, if the RBI does allow inflation to take off, there will be long-lasting repercussions for the credibility of the RBI. Inflation control requires anchored inflation expectations. But if the public see the RBI consistently ignoring inflation, expectations can rapidly get unanchored and then it becomes very costly to bring inflation down.

In summary, inflation is best addressed by the central bank using monetary policy, not by the government adjusting taxes. The RBI needs to urgently revisit its inflation forecast and its monetary policy stance in order to avoid potentially painful adjustments down the road.

Monetary policy: Losing clarity on instruments and goals

(with Harsh Vardhan), Times of India, February 15, 2022

After the Union Budget, economists as well as financial market participants eagerly waited for the Reserve Bank of India to announce its strategy for the coming fiscal year. On February 10, the Governor and the Monetary Policy Committee (MPC) duly outlined their approach. These statements, however, only raised more questions than they answered.

Before the pandemic began, monetary policy was straightforward. The RBI’s objective was clear, as it had a legal mandate under the Inflation Targeting regime of ensuring that consumer price index inflation remained within a 2-6 percent band. Accordingly, at each Policy Review the MPC would set the repo rate at the level it thought would be sufficient to achieve this target. All other interest rates were sideshows, because they were automatically adjusted whenever the repo rate was changed.

Since the pandemic however, the RBI’s operational strategy has changed dramatically. The repo rate has ceased to be the policy instrument, being replaced by the reverse repo rate, i.e. the rate at which banks park their short-term liquidity with the RBI. At the same time, other rates have become detached from the policy rate. So, there is no longer one clear measure of the policy stance, making it difficult to understand what strategy the RBI is pursuing.

After the February 10th review, this confusion has only deepened. Here we highlight four areas of particular ambiguity.

First, it is unclear whether the RBI is maintaining its stance – or tightening it. The official settings have not been changed. But at the same time the Governor emphasized that the effective reverse repo rate has increased from 3.37 percent in August 2021 to 3.87 percent in February 2022, suggesting that behind the scenes policy is being tightened.

How is the RBI doing this? Over the past few months, it has introduced a new facility, the variable reverse repo rate (VRRR) auction. The RBI is now absorbing liquidity under two facilities at two different prices – the reverse repo, with a rate of 3.35 percent, and the VRRR, with a rate of 3.87 percent. Markets expected this anomalous situation to be regularised at the Policy Review, through an increase in the reverse repo rate. But this did not happen. So markets are now confused: what is the RBI’s policy rate?

Second, markets are confused about the RBI’s liquidity stance. During the pandemic period, the RBI injected massive amounts of liquidity into the banking system by buying government bonds, and then stopped as the situation improved. Presumably, the next step would be to wind back the excess liquidity it had created. That would require selling some of the bonds it has accumulated, putting upward pressure on the rates on government securities. Alternatively, it might want to contain G-Sec rates to support the government’s large borrowing programme, but this would entail buying more government bonds, adding to the excess liquidity and risking higher inflation. So, which way is the RBI planning to go? The RBI did not say.

Third, the RBI tried to shed some light on its stance by stating that it will remain accommodative. But this statement has been stripped of much of its meaning. The RBI’s stance has remained “accommodative” across the last 12 meetings, even as it has gone from reducing the reverse repo rate to raising the effective rate, and from injecting liquidity to containing liquidity. So, what precisely does "accommodative" mean?

Finally, the RBI has indicated that it is comfortable with the inflation outlook, predicting that CPI inflation will be 4.5 percent in 2022-23. But can it really be that comfortable? Developed countries are experiencing their highest inflation in four decades, with inflation in the US now running at 7.5 percent. As a result, India faces the risk of importing high inflation. In particular, since the last time retail oil prices were raised, global crude oil prices have increased from USD 75 to USD 90 per barrel. If this increase is passed on to consumers, inflation is bound to rise.

Meanwhile, the Union Budget has announced that it plans to stimulate aggregate demand by increasing capital expenditure, at a time when private sector activity has started to revive. But if the pandemic continues to restrain supply, a significant increase in aggregate demand will only intensify inflationary pressures.

So, there is a real risk that inflation will be far higher than 4.5 percent. If so, what will the RBI do? Again, the market has no idea.

The end result is considerable confusion. It is unclear whether the RBI is committed to low inflation – or to coming up with highly dovish forecasts in order to support the government’s stimulative policy. Nor is it clear what the instruments of monetary policy are, as the repo rate and now the reverse repo rate have lost relevance. So what is the policy rate, and where is it heading? No one knows.

The Governor quoted a line from the late Ms Lata Mangeshkar’s famous song "Aaj Phir Jeene Ki Tamanna Hai". It is wise for us to remember the second line of the song “Aaj Phir Marne Ka Iraada Hai” and note that Tamanna means desire and Iraada means intention!

Budget 2022-23: Hits and misses

Budget 2022-23: Hits and misses, Ideas for India, February 14, 2022.

RBI’s dilemma: Let prices rise or interest rates?

Times of India, February 8, 2022

One of the striking features of the Union Budget was the high borrowing requirement. The government plans to borrow Rs 15 lakh crore in 2022-23, to finance a higher-than-anticipated fiscal deficit of 6.4 percent of GDP. This decision will complicate the policy choices for the Reserve Bank of India.

During the two years of the pandemic, when the government’s borrowing requirements increased manifold owing to high fiscal deficits, the RBI stepped in to make it cheaper for the government to borrow. It lowered the short-term policy repo rate to a mere 4 percent in March 2020. Then, through a series of unconventional actions, it bought immense quantities of government bonds and injected vast amounts of liquidity into banks, to encourage them to buy bonds as well. As a result of these actions, the rate on 10-year government securities fell to 6 percent, even as inflation kept increasing.

The increase in inflation was fairly modest, considering the extent of the RBI’s actions. In ordinary circumstances, a large increase in liquidity would encourage banks to open the credit taps, allowing firms and households to step up their spending, which would then cause inflation to soar. But during the heightened uncertainty of the pandemic, banks were reluctant to lend, households were disinclined to spend, and firms were hesitant to embark on investment projects. As a result, spending was contained. CPI inflation reached the upper limit of the RBI’s target band, but did not spin out of control.

This situation made life easy for the official sector. The government could run large deficits and the RBI a stimulative policy, without worrying about the consequences for inflation. Even better, the advanced countries were pursuing similar policies. This in turn encouraged capital to flow to emerging markets, providing India with additional liquidity and reinforcing the RBI's strategic objectives.

However, in recent months, the global macroeconomic environment has changed quite significantly. After years of price stability, developed countries are experiencing a serious bout of inflation. Inflation has jumped to 5 percent in Europe and 7 percent in the US, the highest in four decades. This change has two implications for India.

First, for the first time in decades, India is now faced with a serious case of "imported inflation". Prices are rising rapidly on all the goods India imports, from oil to investment goods to vital industrial inputs. Even food prices have increased by 20 percent year-on-year as measured by the FAO Food Price Index.

Second, as a result of this global inflation, developed country central banks are getting ready to increase interest rates and withdraw the additional liquidity they had pumped into the system during the last two years. As a result, their policy has begun to diverge from the RBI’s accommodative stance, prompting capital to flow out of India in copious amounts over the past two months. This has weakened the rupee and pushed up domestic bond rates.

With foreigners fleeing the Indian market, domestic institutions panicked when they found out about the Budget borrowing plan, because it meant that they might have to shoulder the entire burden of absorbing the Rs 15 lakh crore that the government is planning to issue. In addition, they would also need to buy whatever amount of government securities the foreign investors are planning to sell in the coming months. Unsurprisingly, the 10-year rate has shot up to 6.9 percent in a matter of days.

This brings us to the RBI. Given the changed global environment and the government’s big borrowing plan, the RBI is faced with two difficult policy options, each with associated risks.

It could resume buying government securities in order to keep interest rates in check. The problem is that buying bonds will inject even more liquidity into the system, at a time when price pressures are intensifying. This could potentially jeopardize the RBI’s objective, since CPI inflation is already running close to its legally mandated limit.

Alternatively the RBI could wind back liquidity and raise the policy repo rate. This would be consistent with its inflation targeting objective, and bring its stance in line with that of the developed countries, thereby reducing the risk of further capital outflows. But it would also push up bond rates, making it costlier for the government and the private sector to borrow.

Both options have their costs. But between the two, the RBI should worry first and foremost about the costs to society of high inflation. Inflation is a tax that falls heaviest on the poorest, the most vulnerable segment of the society. And once inflation starts rising, it becomes very difficult and costly to bring it down, as we learned from our painful experience during 2013-14, when short-term interest rates reached 12 percent. As for bond rates, ultimately they need to be determined by demand and supply, without interference from the central bank, as this is the only way to ensure that they reflect the real cost of capital.

It will be interesting to see which way the RBI goes.

Why it’s not time to cut taxes

Indian Express, January 31, 2022

With the Union Budget round the corner, many people hope that taxes will be cut to boost private spending and growth. While ordinarily this might be a good idea, there are four main reasons why tax cuts are not prudent now.

First, the strong revenue performance during 2021-22 gives a misleading impression of the government’s fiscal position. Revenues this year have benefitted from some exceptional factors: (i) strong profit growth in the private corporate sector, led mostly by the large firms; (ii) robust collections from the Goods and Services Tax (GST); and (iii) rapid GDP growth. The crucial question to ask is what might happen to these factors in 2022-23. And here we run into some difficulties.

It is risky to assume that corporate profit will continue to grow rapidly going forward. This is because we do not yet fully understand what led to the growth in 2021-22. If we look at the data of listed non-financial, non-oil firms in the private sector, we find that by June 2021, their profit margins were higher than the pre-pandemic period. This could have been the result of an increase in their market share, given that the smaller firms bore the brunt of the pandemic. The larger firms also took emergency measures to cut costs. It is not obvious that as the pandemic recedes, the same trend will continue in 2022-23. If it does not, then corporate tax growth would not be as high as in 2021-22.

In addition, GST growth is likely to slow down. In 2021-22, average monthly collections increased to Rs 1.2 trillion from Rs 0.94 trillion in 2020-21. This increase was mostly on account of resumption of economic activity. GST on imports also played a big role, fuelled by an import boom and higher tariffs. It is unlikely that we will witness a similar import boom next year.

As the recovery period ends and the economy normalizes, GDP growth will slow down too. The main engine of growth for an emerging economy like India is private sector investment, which still shows no signs of acceleration, even as the broader economy recovers. Another engine of growth is exports. While India experienced an export boom in 2021-22, as the developed countries normalise their macro-policies, the global exports boom will diminish, and this will impact India as well. Hence it is not certain where a high GDP growth will come from in the next fiscal year.

All these factors lead to uncertainty about tax revenues.

Second, the fiscal deficit, targeted at 6.8 percent of GDP for 2021-22, continues to be very high. There is little room to cut spending, since demands for social spending such as on NREGA remain high, interest payments continue to be a big component of expenditure, and there is mounting pressure on the government to increase capital expenditure. There is consequently no room to provide tax relief without imposing further pressure on the deficit. Nor is it a good idea to allow the deficit to increase. Government’s total debt has already reached 90 percent of GDP, the highest ever, and there is significant pressure on the bond yields to go up, which would make it costlier for everyone to borrow.

Third, the pandemic has caused supply shortages the world over. In India too we have been experiencing supply chain bottlenecks. In a supply-constrained environment, any attempt to boost demand by increasing households’ after-tax income would lead to inflation. This is exactly what has been happening in the US and other developed economies. In India, CPI inflation has been running at 5-6 percent, close to the upper limit of the RBI’s target band. And already there are pressures for inflation to go up, coming from rising oil and commodity prices. Tax cuts and the resultant increase in spending might push inflation beyond the limit, forcing the RBI into an uncomfortable choice: raise interest rates sharply at a time when the recovery is beginning or allow inflation to tax the country’s poor.

Finally, globally we are entering into a period of macroeconomic uncertainty. The US economy is experiencing its highest inflation in 40 years. The US Fed will consequently raise interest rates this year. When the developed world pulls back their expansionary policies, it is important for emerging economies like India to display strong macroeconomic fundamentals, and for the government to come across as credible.

One of the key reasons India was badly affected by the Taper Tantrum episode of 2013 was because it was doing poorly on macro fundamentals. In a way, the situation now is not very different. Once again, we are running a high fiscal deficit and the real interest rate is negative because inflation is higher than the policy rate. True, inflation is lower than it was in 2013, but the government debt ratio is substantially higher. Hence, the government needs to be somewhat careful about its fiscal math.

With state elections coming up, it might be tempting for the government to slash taxes and win votes. But given its own fiscal limitations and the uncertainty surrounding India’s growth and inflation trajectories in the next fiscal year, this would not be a prudent call.

Is GDP data a reliable way to measure the health of the economy?

Indian Express, January 4, 2022

The primary yardstick that analysts use to measure the economy’s health is GDP. Economists, technocrats and journalists cite GDP numbers when crafting their narrative about how well the economy is recovering from the pandemic. The Reserve Bank of India and multilateral agencies use GDP statistics to make claims about the future growth path. Yet no one seems to be asking the most important question: How reliable are the Indian GDP data?

The CSO released the current GDP series in 2015, using 2011-12 as its base year. Since then, the new series has been embroiled in controversy. Scholars have pointed to measurement problems, both in the nominal GDP numbers and the real GDP growth rates. Yet none of those problems has been addressed by the CSO, to the best of our knowledge. As a result, the measurement errors still persist.

There are three major reasons why the GDP data, and hence any narrative of economic recovery based on it, are questionable.

First, the growth rate of real GDP is contaminated by the "double deflation problem". Simply put, the CSO calculates real GDP by gathering nominal GDP data in rupees and then deflating this data using various price indices. The nominal data needs to be deflated twice: once for outputs and once for inputs. But the CSO – almost uniquely amongst G20 countries – deflates the nominal data only once. It does not deflate the value of inputs.

To see why this is a problem, consider what happens when the price of imported oil goes down. In that case, input costs will fall and the profits recorded by Indian firms will rise. This increase in profits is merely the result of a fall in input prices, so it needs to be deflated away. After all, GDP is meant to measure the amount of production in the country, which hasn’t changed, at least in the first instance.

But the CSO doesn’t deflate away the increase in profits. Instead, it records a purely nominal increase as a real increase in GDP, thereby overstating growth. Simulations have shown that this effect can be substantial. For further information, see my article here.

Since the cost of inputs is measured by the WPI, a crude measure of the overestimation caused by the absence of "double deflation" is given by the gap between the WPI and the CPI. In the 2014-2017 period, oil prices plunged, causing the WPI to fall sharply relative to the CPI. This meant that real growth was probably overstated.

In the last few months, the exact opposite has been happening. WPI inflation is soaring, reaching 14 percent in November, while CPI inflation has "only" been 5 percent. The rapid increase in the WPI relative to the CPI is imparting an upward bias to the deflator, which increased at the remarkable rate of 8 percent in the second quarter of 2021-22. If this deflator is being overestimated, then real GDP growth rate could be underestimated right now.

A second reason why growth might be underestimated is that the CSO has not updated the sectoral weights. When the CSO calculates GDP, it takes a sample of activity in each sector, then aggregates the figures by using sectoral weights. To make sure that the weights are reasonably accurate, the CSO normally updates them once a decade. It has now been more than 10 years since the weights were changed, and there are no signs of a base year revision. As a result, the sectoral weights are still based on the structure of the economy in 2010-11, when in particular the information technology sector was much smaller. In other words, the fast-growing IT sector is being underweighted, which implies that GDP growth is being underestimated.

But before we jump to conclusions, we need to take into account the third measurement problem – which works in the opposite direction. Measurement of the unorganised sector has always been difficult in India. Once in a while, the CSO undertakes a survey to measure the size of the sector. In the meantime, it simply assumes that the sector has been growing at the same rate as the organised sector. This practice was working well when the two sectors were moving in tandem.

However, starting in 2016 the large unorganised sector has been disproportionately impacted by a series of shocks. First came the demonetisation shock of 2016, which was a severe blow to cash-dependent firms in this sector. Next came the implementation of the Goods and Services Tax (GST) from 2017 onwards, which necessitated a particularly difficult and costly adjustment for unorganised sector enterprises. Then in 2018 came serious problems in the NBFC sector, in turn creating problems for unorganised sector firms, since they were heavily dependent on NBFCs for funding. Finally, the Covid pandemic from 2020 onwards was undoubtedly a much bigger shock for the unorganised sector, compared to the organised sector enterprises.

Despite these severe shocks, the CSO does not seem to have made any adjustments to their methodology for estimating unorganised sector growth. They apparently continue to assume that unorganised sector enterprises have been growing as fast as those in the organised sector. In that case, there would be an upward bias to reported GDP growth.

So, what is the bottom line? Can we say whether the latest GDP numbers overstate or understate growth? The answer is no, because the measurement problems go in different directions. Without more information from the CSO on their methodology we cannot say whether the positive factors outweigh the negative one, or vice versa. But what we can be clear about is that there are serious problems with India’s GDP data. Hence any analysis of recovery or any forecast of future growth of the Indian economy based on this data must be taken with a handful of salt!